College Students’ Perceptions of the Rates of Various Types of Sexual Violence and the Barriers to Reporting

This study compared the perceived campus, peer, and personal rates of four types of sexual violence (sexual harassment, sexual misconduct, nonforcible sex offense, and forcible sex offense) with the documented rates of these same incidents, based on official campus statistics and U.S. census data on forcible rape. Additionally, the barriers to reporting sexual violence among college students were examined. I hypothesized that the results of this study would reveal a pattern of underreporting on campus for all four types of sexual violence. A total of 807 undergraduate respondents (440 females, 204 males, and 5 individuals that identified as transgender or “other”) completed (n = 643) or partially completed (n = 164) a confidential online survey. The results of the study indicated that each form of sexual violence was significantly underreported on campus when compared to the perceived rates of the participants. Furthermore, female students reported a higher number of salient barriers to reporting sexual violence and also rated each of the 15 barriers examined in this study higher than men. Key implications of theses findings and recommendations for future research are discussed. Running Head: PERCEPTIONS OF TYPES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 3 College Students’ Perceptions of the Rates of Various Types of Sexual Violence and the Barriers to Reporting Rape and other forms of sexual violence are significant problems on college campuses. During a single academic year, an estimated 1 in 36 women will experience a completed or attempted rape (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Moreover, previous research suggests that approximately one third of female students will become victims of sexual assault by their senior year of college (Finley & Corty, 1993). Unfortunately, a great number of these assaults go unreported on college campuses. There are various barriers to reporting sexual assault. Among adult women, the greatest barriers to reporting sexual assault include fear of retaliation by the perpetrator, financial dependence on the perpetrator or the perpetrator not allowing the victim to obtain help, not wanting family members or friends to be prosecuted, lack of resources to obtain help, such as transportation, childcare, money, and insurance, and cultural or language barriers to obtaining help (Sable, Danis, Mauzy, & Gallagher, 2006). Among adult men, the top barriers to reporting sexual assault are shame, guilt, and embarrassment, concerns about confidentiality, and the fear of not being believed (Sable et al., 2006). Although previous research with adults has suggested that sexual violence is often underreported and that several barriers, such as those noted above, may account for this pattern of underreporting, further investigation is needed specifically on college campuses to clarify the extent to which sexual violence is or is not reported, as well as to identify barriers to reporting among this particular population. Running Head: PERCEPTIONS OF TYPES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 4 Descriptions of Different Types of Sexual Violence There are several types of sexual violence, including sexual harassment, sexual misconduct, sexual assault, nonforcible sex offenses, and forcible sex offenses. Sexual harassment is defined as unwanted conduct of a sexual nature or conduct based on sex, which is offensive to the recipient; therefore, sexual harassment can be deliberate or unintended (Mayekiso & Bhana, 1997). An estimated two thirds of all college students experience some form of sexual harassment during their time on campus (Lundy-Wagner & Winkle-Wagner, 2013). Sexual misconduct is defined as actual or attempted sexual activity that is forced upon another without the clear consent of that person. It can range from unwanted touching or physical contact of a personal nature to unwanted, coerced, or forced penetration (Campus Policy Prohibiting Harassment & Sexual Misconduct, 2008); as indicated by this definition, sexual misconduct encompasses sexual assault and rape. The broad term of “sexual assault” is defined as unwanted sexual contact that stops short of rape or attempted rape. This definition includes sexual touching and fondling (Rape, Abuse, & Incest National Network, n.d.). Rape is defined as forced sexual intercourse, including vaginal, anal, or oral penetration, whether penetration by a body part or an object (Rape, Abuse, & Incest National Network, n.d.). There are various forms of rape including stranger rape, partner rape, and acquaintance rape. On college campuses, most rapes and assaults are committed by someone known to the victim, therefore they are categorized as acquaintance rape (McMahon, 2010). Acquaintance rape is defined as rape involving two people who know each other but have had no sexual contact prior to the assault (Ford & Foley, 1998). Approximately one-fourth of all women Running Head: PERCEPTIONS OF TYPES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 5 experience a completed or attempted rape during their four or five year college careers (McMahon, 2010); by comparison one to three percent of males experience physically forced sexual intercourse where the perpetrator is a female in a given year (Hines et al., 2012). Rape can be categorized as nonforcible or forcible as well. Nonforcible sex offenses are defined as unlawful, non-forcible sexual intercourse (Security Services Annual Crime Report, 1998). Nonforcible sex offenses include incest and statutory rape. In contrast, forcible sex offenses are defined as any sexual act directed against another person, forcible and/or against that person’s will, or not forcibly or against the persons will where the victim is incapable of giving consent (Security Services Annual Crime Report, 1998). Forcible sex offenses include forcible rape, sodomy, fondling, and sexual assault with an object. Underreporting Phenomenon According to the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS), fewer than 5% of completed or attempted rapes against college-aged women are reported to law enforcement (Sable, Danis, Mauzy, & Gallagher, 2006). Previous research has only examined the reported rates of completed and attempted rape among the college population. Therefore, it is unknown whether or not incidents of sexual harassment, sexual misconduct, nonforcible sex offense, and forcible sex offense are over reported, accurately reported, or underreported. Previous research suggests that students may chose not to characterize their experiences as sexual violence due to embarrassment, an unclear understanding of the legal definitions of various forms of sexual violence, not wanting to define someone they know who victimized them as a perpetrator, or because they blame themselves for their own victimization (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Each of these Running Head: PERCEPTIONS OF TYPES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 6 complex personal and structural barriers may prevent a student from reporting any experience of sexual violence. Furthermore, a college campus creates a unique environment that complicates issues of sexual violence. Victims of sexual violence may continue to be fearful after an incident as the perpetrator may live in the same residence hall or be enrolled in the same courses (McMahon, 2008). The complexity of theses barriers to reporting begins to explain why sexual violence appears to be an underreported crime. Further research on this population is necessary for understanding the reporting trends among college students in reference to multiple forms of sexual violence. A greater understanding of the reporting trends and the barriers to reporting would allow colleges to create tailored programs for combating the specific barriers. Barriers to Reporting Sexual Violence Among adult women, the greatest barriers to reporting sexual assault include fear of retaliation by the perpetrator, financial dependence on the perpetrator or the perpetrator not allowing the victim to obtain help, not wanting family members or friends to be prosecuted, lack of resources to obtain help, such as transportation, childcare, money, and insurance, and cultural or language barriers to obtaining help (Sable et al., 2006). Among adult men, the top barriers to reporting sexual assault are shame, guilt, and embarrassment, concerns about confidentiality, and the fear of not being believed (Sable et al., 2006). Continuing to explore the perceived importance of barriers for men and women could broaden the public’s understanding of factors that contribute to underreporting (Sable et al., 2006). Since the effects of an unreported case of sexual violence can be so detrimental to the victim, determining what barriers are present on college campuses can potentially alleviate these effects. This knowledge can help bring Running Head: PERCEPTIONS OF TYPES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 7 sexual assault into the public eye, which is the first step towards prevention (Bihl, n.d.). Moreover, universities could be able to create tailored preventative programming based on the perceived barriers to reporting sexual violence (Bihl, n.d.). Future investigation is needed to clarify the extent to which sexual violence is or is not reported, as well as to identify barriers to reporting among this particular college population. Limitations of Previous Research Previous research has determined that incidents of rape are underreported among all women and that college women may be more at risk for experiencing rape or attempted rape. However, previous research has not explored the reporting trends for other forms of sexual violence amongst the female or male population. Therefore, due to the heightened risk of college females and the trend of underreporting rape and attempted rape, it is necessary to explore the reporting trends for a broader range of sexually violent crimes. Among the male population, the rates of assault and rape for boys under the age of eighteen and adult males has been minimally explored. Previous research suggests that one in six boys are sexually assaulted before the age of 18 (Finkelhore, 1994) and that approximately 5% to 10% of rape victims are adult males (Stermac, Sheridan, Davidson, & Dunn, 1996). Nevertheless, there is a general lack of attention to male sexual assault victims in our society (Sable et al., 2006), especially within the college population. Due to the minimal research on sexual violence perpetrated against men, it is important to examine the experiences of college-aged men in relation to a broader range of sexually violent crimes. Furthermore, Sable et al., (2006) only explored the barriers to reporting for adult men and women. The barriers reported by adult men and women may differ from those Running Head: PERCEPTIONS OF TYPES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 8 reported by college-aged men and women, therefore it is important to explore the barriers to reporting sexual violence within that population.